Dr. Richard Abels

EARLY CAPETIAN KINGSHIP THROUGH PHILIP AUGUSTUS

Early Capietians: Chronology

Hugh the Great (Capet), 987-996

Robert II (the Pious), 996-1031

Henry I, 1031-60 Events--struggles with Odo II Count of Blois over Burgundy, vs Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou (leads him to support Duke William of Normandy, the later King William the Conqueror of England, in 1047 at Val es Dunes); later Henry I fought against Duke William in association with Geoffrey Martel. Throughout his reign he fought against the castellans of the Ile de France.

Philip I, 1060-1108: 1060-7 under regency of Baldwin V count of Flanders. Main struggle was to block growing Norman power (which led him to interfere in succession in Flanders). King William the Conqueror died fighting Philip in 1087 at Mantes (fighting also his son Robert Curthose). Philip also in trouble with Church over his 'marriage' to Bertrada of Montfort, the wife of Fulk the Surly, count of Anjou, whom Philip carried off in 1092, after repudiating his own wife Bertha of Holland. In 1079, Philip I fought against and was defeated by one of the great barons of the Ile-de-France (the royal domain centered on Paris), Hugh I, Lord of Le Puiset (about 200 km south of Paris). The Le Puiset family continued to challenge the Capetians within the royal demesne until 1118.

 

Power and Authority of Capetian kings of France in the eleventh century:

At the beginning of the eleventh century, the powers of French counts, dukes, and even kings was circumscribed by the political and military power of castellans. These castellans controlled the countryside and dominated the peasantry through their castles and retinues of horsemen. Comital and ducal power, however, grew over the course of the century, as the duke of Normandy and the counts of Anjou, Blois-Champagne, and Flanders gradually gained wrested control from the barons.  Royal power, however remained weak; dukes and counts of more centralized states such as Normandy, Anjou, and Flanders enjoyed what came close to sovereign authority almost undisturbed by a nominal king. The French king directly ruled only the royal domain, which stretched from Laon in the northeast to Chartres in the south. Even within the royal domain their power was challenged by powerful castellans like Hugh of Le Puiset and Thomas of Marle. French kings, moreover, were at least theoretically 'elected' by the nobility, which gave the nobility some check over their actions, though the Capetians managed to create a hereditary claim to the throne, largely by associating eldest in the kingship before the death of the father. Capetians seem to have regarded election as a ceremony in which magnates gave assent to the king's choice of successor. (Secular magnates and prelates formally chose a king; this election was followed by the new king's ceremonial coronation, which made him king by grace of God, and homage-giving, which established him as feudal overlord, suzerain, of the dukes and counts.) The Capetians were, in many ways, one princely family among many—and, in 1100, not even the most powerful.

BUT kings still retained sacral and juridical attributes, and their role as feudal lord was still recognized, and occasionally even observed. The true turning point, however, came in the reign of LOUIS VI (THE FAT), 1108-1137, who with the help of ABBOT SUGER OF ST. DENIS, created a new and more powerful image of royalty based on the sacral nature of kingship. Louis VI also gave a measure of reality to the new ideology by successfully dealing with the rebellious barons of the Ile de France (notably Thomas de Marle, lord of Coucy, taken prisoner in 1030, and Hugh du Puisset, defeated in 1118, died on pilgrimage to Jerusalem; both Thomas and Hugh were forgiven once before).

DISJUNCTION OF THEORETICAL AUTHORITY AND ACTUAL POWER.

Theoretical: Feudal overlord to whom homage and military service must be rendered; apex of feudal hierarchy of lordship

Actual:  Homage rarely rendered to the king by French counts and dukes; service sometimes given when it was to the benefit of a count or duke

 

Theoretical: Sacral king; lawgiver and preserver of peace

Actual: Little legal power, spotty control over Church

Theocratic Kingship. King conceived of as theocratic ruler, governing the kingdom by grace of God--head of both church and state; avenger of wrongs, preserver of peace; fountain of all justice and law. (Language and ideology borrowed from 9th century Carolingians.) Kings were not only elected and crowned, but were anointed by the archbishop of Rheims in a solemn religious rite according to a special Christian liturgy (an ordo). Anointing was followed by investment with regalia (symbols of earthly rule: sword, ring, sceptre and rob) by the attending bishops. The ordo was based on Hincmar of Rheims' late 9th-cent ordo. Kings were supposed to have THE HEALING TOUCH, though this was deemphasized for the early Capetians, and Philip I was even said to have lost his because of his scandalous life. The Capetian kings were also well served by clerical propagandists, especially Abbot Suger of St. Denis (b. circa1080; abbot of St Denis 1120-1151). In the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries ecclesiastical writers were representing the “Franks” as the “New Israelites” and the French kings as holy rulers. Suger’s Life of King Louis the Fat presented Louis VI as the model Christian king, obedient to the Church, devoted to St. Denis (who rewarded his prayers by turning away an invasion by the Emperor Henry V), and a scourge to the robber barons of the Ile-de-France. Odo of Deuil praised Louis VI’s son and successor Louis VII in the same manner, transforming the disastrous Second Crusade and King Louis VII’s inept leadership into a story about the trials of a saintly Christian ruler.  In the 12th century the revival of royal power also entailed a revival of the sacral authority of king. This is seen in the cult of Charlemage (e.g. Chanson de Roland).

The Development of French Feudal Monarchy, 1108-1226

A. The Take-Off 1108-1226 (Louis VI-Louis VIII) (Based on Elizabeth Hallam, Capetian France)

Argument:

Louis VI (the Fat, 1108-1137) began his reign as master only of a small and ill-disciplined principality centred on Paris and Orleans (the royal domain). He also possessed rights and power over certain abbeys and bishoprics and 'authority' over the great dukes, counts and other nobles of France. In reality he had little control over even the castellans of the Ile-de-France and no power whatsoever over the great princes of his realm.

By the death of his great-grandson, Louis VIII (1223-6) the royal lands included not only the Ile-de-France but also the duchy of Normandy, the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Poitou, and domination of the great county of Languedoc. The royal administration of these regions, moreover, was impressively effective (at least for the 13th century), and the king's authority over the Church and his suzerainty over the nobles was generally recognized and effective. By the death of Louis VIII's son, St. Louis IX, in 1270, the French king was capable of exercising an authority over his vassals that would have amazed his forbears, promulgating ordinances that forbade them from waging private war, forcing them to answer in his court for breaches of the peace, standardized royal coinage, wh he decreed would not only be the only valid currency in the royal lands but also valid currency in the lands of other lords. In other words, we see in the 13th century the full development of the concept of feudal suzerainty.

Why? Part of the answer is that the period between 1108 and 1226 witnessed dramatic social and economic changes: population growth, land cleareance, the spread of markets, fairs and commerce, an economy increasingly dependent upon coinage, increased urbanization. (Growth of Paris: Roman walls of the Ile de la Cite enclosed only 25 acres. Philip Augustus's walls enclosed 625 acres.) The nobles of France were hit hard by these developments. A rapid inflation starting in the 1170s eroded their incomes, while the introduction of new luxury goods (e.g., fine textiles, spices, etc.) and new military technologies (armor and castle-building) made the noble lifestyle increasingly expensive. In addition, the nobles of the Ile-de-France found themselves increasingly impoverished by the custom of parage, which gave the eldest son the bulk of the inheritance but gave his brothers rights over part of the patrimony, and started to look toward the king for patronage.

The Reign of Philip II 'Augustus'

Philip II Augustus (1180-1223). Called Dieudonne or God-given at birth in 1165. Title 'Augustus' given to him by his chaplain William the Breton. Crowned king in 1179 when his father was dying (Philip almost died from an illness contracted while hunting shortly before this; his father had made a pilgrimage to Becket's shrine to seek intervention of saint).

Physical description and character according to chronicler of Tours (eulogizer):

"Agreeable appearance, well formed body, cheerful face, a bald pate, ruddy complexion, given to drink and food, prone to sexual desire, generous to friends, stingy to his foes, skillful in stratagems, orthodox in belief, fortunate in victory, able to sow discord, fearful of his life . . . "

(Philip's baldness, according to Baldwin (356-7), was probably due to arnoldia, an illness akin to 'sweating sickness' (fever, chills, peeling of skin, loss of nails and hair, and extreme nervous disorders), which he may have contracted on crusade at age of 25. If so, this explains his extreme nervous behavior and possible sexual problems (e.g., his divorce of Ingeborg). )

Quirks: reluctant to swear, to spend on jongleurs and troubadors. Unlike his rival Richard the Lionheart, Philip was probably illiterate in Latin.

 

Sexuality. Were Philip and Richard the Lionheart lovers in their youth as some writers and movie-makers have suggested? The evidence suggesting it is very weak. This modern interpretation (first suggested in 1951) of the relationship of the two princes is based on a reading of a passage in Roger of Howden’s chronicle for the year 1187:

 

Richard,  duke of Aquitaine, the son of the king of England, remained with Philip, the King of France, who so honored him for so long that they ate every day at the same table and from the same dish, and at night their beds did not separate them. And the king of France loved him as his own soul; and they loved each other so much that the king of England was absolutely astonished and the passionate love between them and marveled at it.

          As Richard I’s biographer John Gillingham observed, “This does no mean—as some modern writers have assumed—that Richard and Philip were having a homosexual affair. It was common for people of the same sex to share a bed. For example, Henry II and William Marshal did so. The jongleur who reported this had no fears that his audience would misunderstand him. He meant to imply that the Old King trusted William, that they were close politically, not sexually. If men exchanged a kiss it was a gesture of friendship or of peace, not of erotic passion. It is an elementary mistake to assume that an act which has one symbolic meaning for us today possessed that same meaning 800 years ago. … Gestures of this sort were part of the vocabulary of politics; an astute politician like Philip used them to great effect.” Richard I p. 84.

          Otherwise there is no evidence that Philip or Richard were “gay.” Philip, it is true, tried to annul his marriage to his second wife Ingeborg, but that was based on personal distaste, not a general distaste for women. He had a son from his first marriage to Isabella, who died in 1189, and “married” his mistress Agnes of Meran in defiance of Pope Innocent III’s refusal to grant him an annulment to Ingeborg in 1196, which resulted in his excommunication and interdict. He had two sons and a daughter by Agnes.

 

Accomplishments:

1. Increased royal domain: added through marriage Picardy, and by conquest Normandy, Anjou, and Maine (from King John of England, 1203-5), and Languedoc (from Raymond VI and VII, by ‘crusade’).

               

 

2. Increased royal revenues:

 

A. Domainal, 'ordinary' revenues

1179: 20,178 livres (from royal farms of the prevots)

1203: 24,607 livres (addition of 10 new prevots acquired by marriage). This represents an increase of 22%.

1221 73,657 livres (about 50,000 from Normandy and Touraine), an increase of 365% over his revenues in 1179.

B. Sum of all 'ordinary' revenues: domainal revenues; produce outside of farms, forest laws; gite—commutation of the right of hospitality, commuted; rents from towns: tailles (taxes on unfree peasants on royal lands);  minting, Jews; custom taxes; payments of bishops for church regalia, commutation of owed military service for cash; fines of justice

1179: 30-60,000 livres

1203: 115,136 livres (approx. 45,000 pounds sterling). Eve of invasion of Normandy

1221: 194,898 livres. Increase of 79,362 livres or 69%.

 

C. “Extraordinary” revenues: feudal reliefs

Richard (1189) 43,500 livres

Baldwin, ct of Boulogne 10,500 livres

John (1200) 36,230

Thibaut, ct of Blis 5,000

Ferrand, ct of Flanders 50,000

 

By 1220, Philip Augustus’ total revenues from all sources came to 438,000 livres (as calculated by the king’s chaplain William the Breton). The revenues of the French Crown continued to grow phenomenally through the thirteenth century. By the reign of Philip IV the Fair, royal revenues for 1286 are calculated as equalling 605,000 livres. In comparison, King Henry II’s revenues in 1189 came to about £20,000-30,000 pounds sterling (=aprox 60,000 livres) from England. He drew an additional £24,500 from Normandy, but this was spent on defending Normandy. Similarly, the revenues from Poitou and Aquitaine were mainly spent on the defense of those territories.

          Although much of the increase in royal revenues came directly from adding territories to the royal domain, a lot also came from increases in commerce and the growth of Paris. According to Philip Augustus’s biographer Rigord, the king decided to pave all the roads of Paris in 1184: “It happened after a few days that king Phillip "semper Augustus" staying for a while in Paris was walking about the royal hall deep in thought about the affairs of the realm, when he came to palace windows from which he was accustomed sometimes to look out at the river Seine for the refreshment of his soul. Horse-drawn carriages crossing through the city churned up the mud. The king walking about his hall could not bear the intolerable stench they caused. He therefore took on a hard but very necessary task which none of his predecessors had dared to attempt because of its great expense and difficulty. He called together the burgesses and prévôt of the city and ordered by royal authority that all the streets and roads of the whole city of Paris should be covered with hard and strong stones. The most Christian king was trying to take away from the city its ancient name; for it had been called "Lutea" from the stink of the mire (a luti fetore).” The growth of Paris can be ascertained by the size of the walls that Philip built to surround the city. Sometime between 1190 and 1220, ordered a new wall constructed around Paris because of the phenomenal growth in the city’s population and area of settlement. Philip Augustus’ wall ran for 2800 meters on the right bank and 2600 meters on the left bank. It was three meters thick at the base, nine meters high, and had a fourteen meter high tower every seventy meters.  Philip ordered the Louvre built to reinforce the western defenses. (The wall’s primary purpose at this time was still military defense.) Paris’s Roman wall enclosed 25 acres (the island in the Seine River known as the Ile-de-Paris); Philip Augustus’s wall enclosed 640 acres.


Events

Philip Augustus' increase in revenues fueled partly by his first marriage to Isabella of Hainault, daughter of Baldwin V Count of Hainault and niece of Philip of Alsace, count of Flanders, mother of his heir Louis (VIII), in 1182. Isabella brought with her the county of Artois (in northern France near the present-day border with Belgium) as the queen's dowry and a claim to her family's other lands, all of which lay north of the then royal domain. Through his wife Philip laid claim to part of Vermandois, and managed to press his claim by defeating Philip of Hainault in battle in 1186. The king received the city and county of Amiens and 65 castles, the county of Mondidier and reversion of Philip of Alsace's share of Vermandois.  (I suspect that this is when the existing version of Raoul of Cambrai A was composed.)

Isabella died in 1189, and Philip married Ingeborg of Denmark. He repudiated her on the morning after marriage night (the reason he gave was physical antipathy), and found bishops willing to annul marriage on basis of affinity. Despite direct orders by two consecutive popes, Philip refused to take Ingeborg back and, in direct defiance of Pope Innocent III,  'married'  his mistress Agnes of Meran in 1196. This union produced a son, Philip Herepel. Innocent III legitimized Philip Herepel, but excommunicated Philip Augustus and laid an interdict on France for his repudiation of Ingeborg. Despite Agnes’ death in 1201, Philip refused to restore Ingeborg to his bed and throne. He kept her in prison until 1213, when, for political reasons—the looming war against King John of England—he finally accepted her back as his wife. She died in 1223 as queen of France.

Although the Platagenets were Philip’s greatest rivals throughout most of his reign, Philip sought King Henry II’s friendship early in his reign and made an early alliance with him 1182, which alienated the counts of Flanders and Champagne. There was sporadic fighting between Philip and the counts of Flanders and Champagne until 1185. Relations with King Henry II became strained in 1186-7, due in part to the deaths of Henry II's two sons Henry the Younger and Geoffrey of Brittany, the first a friend and congenial heir apparent, the second, a co-conspirator against Henry II.

Duke Richard of Aquitaine (the Lionheart) now became heir presumptive to Henry II, although Henry refused to name him formally as such.  He insulted Philip Augustus’s family honor by refusing to marry his sister Alice, to whom he had been betrothed since 1169 and who had spent all those years in Henry II’s custody , claiming that it would be ‘incest’ since she had become the mistress of his father.  Philip demanded that Henry II return to him both his disgraced sister and the Norman Vexin, her dowry. When Henry II refused to return either, Philip went to war against Henry and Richard. A truce was arranged in 1188 when both kings swore to go on Crusade.

In 1187 Richard suddenly became Philip's close ally in response to the favor that Henry II began to show his youngest son John. Duke Richard paid homage to Philip for Henry II's continental lands, Philip recognized him as his vassal for those lands, and the two joined forces against the ailing English king. The armies of Philip and Richard overran Normandy, Maine, and Touraine. In July 1189 Henry met Richard and Philip near Tours and conceded all key points: Richard was to succeed him, and although the Angevins were to retain the Vexin, Philip was to retain his conquests in Berry and be recognized as suzerain of the Auvergne. Two days later, Henry died—but not before he had heard the news that his beloved youngest son John had joined Richard in rebellion. Henry II died alone, surrounded only by domestics who stripped the body of any valuables. Henry’s loyal household knight, William Marshal, ensured that the king received proper burial.

Richard became king of England and Philip's vassal from French lands, and both kings immediately began raising money and making preparations to go on Crusade. Having sworn mutual friendship and promised to protect each other’s lands, they left together for the Holy Land in 1190. Philip left his mother Adela of Champagne behind as regent, and provided her with written orders (recorded by the chronicler Rigord):

Before king Phillip left the kingdom of the Franks, however, he summoned his friends and intimates to Paris and drew up a testament and ordinance for the whole realm in the following words:

o        In the name of the holy and individual Trinity, amen. Phillip by the grace of God, king of the Franks. The royal office exists to provide for the needs of subjects by all means and to place the public before (the king's) private interest. Since, therefore, we have embraced with deep desire a vow for our pilgrimage to aid the Holy Land with all our strength, we have decided on the counsel of the Most High to set down how the necessary business of the kingdom should be managed in our absence and to make final dispositions for our life in case we should we end it on the way.

o        In the first place, we order that our baillis through the prévôts (potestatibus) place four prudent men, lawful and of good reputation, without whose counsel (or as a minimum that of two of them) the business of each town is not to be carried on, except that we appoint six trustworthy and lawful men for Paris whose names are these, T[hibaud le Riche], A[thon de la Grève], E[brouin le Changeur], R[obert de Chartres], B[audoin Bruneau?] and N[icolas Boisseau].

o        And we have placed in our lands which are specified by name baillis, who are to fix each month in their bailliage [bailiwick] one day to be called an assize, on which all those who put forward a complaint (clamorem) are to receive their right through them (the baillis) and to get justice without delay, and we too are to get our rights and our justice. The fines (forefacta) which are our own are to be registered (scribentur) there.

o        In addition we will and command that our most dear mother, queen Adela, with our dearest uncle and faithful vassal William, archbishop of Rheims shall fix a day once every four months, on which they will hear the complaints of the men of our realm in Paris and determine them to the honor of God and in the interests of the realm.

o        We command too that on that day there be before them from each of our vills the baillis who will hold the assizes, so that they may report in their presence on the business of our land.

o        If, moreover, any of our baillis should err (deliquerit), otherwise than by murder or rape or homicide or treason, and this is established as fact by the archbishop and queen and by the others who are present to hear the misdeeds (forefacta) of our baillis, we command them to inform us by letters each year and three times a year which bailli has so erred, what he did, what he received and from whom, whether money or gift or service, on account of which our men lost their right or we lost ours.

o        Our baillis shall similarly inform us concerning our prévôts.

o        The queen and the archbishop may only remove our baillis from their bailliages for murder or rape or homicide or treason. Nor can the baillis remove the prévôts except for one of those offenses. But we shall by God's counsel take on them such retribution, after the aforesaid men have reported to us the truth of the matter, as should reasonably deter others.

o        The queen and the archbishop shall similarly inform us on the state of our realm and its business three times a year.

o        Should any royal episcopal see or abbey chance to fall vacant, we will that the canons of the vacant church or the monks of the vacant monastery come before the queen and the archbishop, as they might have come before us, and seek from them a free election, and we sill that they grant them this without argument (sine contradictione). But we warn the both canons and monks to choose the kind of shepherd who will please God and be helpful (utilis) to the realm. The queen and the archbishop are to hold the regalia in their hand in the meantime, until the elect is consecrated or receives benediction and the regalia are then to be rendered up to him without argument.

o        We command in addition that should any prebends or ecclesiastical benefice fall vacant when the regalia come into our hand, the queen and archbishop should confer them on decent and literate men, as they best and most decently can on the advice of Brother Bernard, saving however any grants of ours which we have made to anyone by our letters patent.

o        We also prohibit all prelates of churches and our men from giving any taille or other arbitrary exaction while we are on God's service. And if the Lord God should do his will on us and we happen to die, we most strictly prohibit all the men of our land, both clergy and laity, from giving any taille or other arbitrary exaction until our son (whom may God deign to keep safe and sound for His service!) reaches by the grace of the Holy Spirit an age when he is capable of ruling the realm.

o        Moreover, if anyone wishes to make war on our son and the rents that he has are inadequate, then all our men are to aid him with their bodies and goods (averis), and the churches are to give such aid to him as they were accustomed to give to us.

o        In addition we prohibit our prévôts and baillis from arresting any man or his movable goods, so long as he is willing to give good sureties (fidejussores) that he will pursue justice in our court, except for homicide or rape or treason.

o        We command besides that all our rents and services and offerings (obventiones) are to be carried to Paris at three dates: first on the feast of St. Rémi, secondly on the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, thirdly at Ascension. And all is to be handed over to our aforesaid burgesses and to P. the marshal. If any of them happen to die, G. de Garlande will substitute another in his place.

o        Adam our clerk is to be present at receptions of movable goods (averi) and to register them. And each [of the ministers named earlier?] is to have every key for each chest in which our treasure (averum) is placed in the Temple, and one (to the) Temple (itself).From this treasure as much is to be sent to us as we order in our letters.

o        If we happen to die on the road, we command that the queen and the archbishop and the bishop of Paris and the abbots of Saint-Victorn7 and Vaux-de-Cernay and Brother B.n8 should divide our treasure (thesaurum) into two parts. They should distribute one half to repair those churches which have been destroyed through our wars (guerras), so that God's service may be done in them. From the same half, they are to give to those who were ruined by our taxes (tallias) and give what remains to whomever they wish, those whom they believe to have done the most for the remedy of our soul and that of our father king Louis and of our ancestors. Concerning the other half, we command the keepers of our treasure and the all the men of Paris that they keep it for the use of our son until he come of an age when with God's counsel and his own good sense  he is capable of ruling the realm.

o        But if both we and our son happen to die, we then command that our treasure be distributed by the hand of aforesaid seven men at their judgement for our soul and that of our son. We wish that, as soon as there is certainty about our death, our treasure be carried to the bishop of Paris' house and kept there and that what we have disposed be later carried out on it.

o        We also command the queen and archbishop to retain all vacant honors in our gift, such as our abbeys and deaneries and certain other dignities, which they can decently do, and hold them in their hand until we return from God's service. And they should grant and assign those they cannot retain according to God and by the counsel of Brother B. and do this to the honor of God and the utility of the realm. If, however, we die on the road, we wish that they give the honors and dignities to those who seem more worthy.

o        We have commanded that the present document be confirmed with the authority of our seal and the monogram (karactere) of the royal name appended below.n9 Done at Paris in the year of the incarnate word 1190, the eleventh of our reign, in the presence of those whose names are placed below, and with the seals of count Thibault our seneschal (dapiferi), Guy the butler, Matthew the chancellor, Raoul the constable. While the chancery was vacant ...

(Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. H. Francoise Delaborde, I (Libr. Renouard: Paris, 1882). Translation © Paul R. Hyams 1998)

The friendship between the two kings quickly broke down. Richard, concerned with the safety of Aquitaine in his absence, married Berengaria of Navarre, the daughter of the Count of Navarre. In 1191, after Richard had made the engagement and taken Beregaria on Crusade with him to be married in the Holy Land, Philip formally released Richard from the obligation to marry poor Alice. In return, Richard agreed to pay Philip 10,000 marks, restore Alice and the castle of Gisors, but was to keep the Norman Vexin. If Richard were to have two sons, he promised to split his French possessions between  them. Richard also made alliances with Tancred of Sicily and with Philip count of Flanders, both of which further strained his relations with Philip. (Richard’s recognition of Tancred as King of Sicily brought him also into conflict with Emperor Henry VI, the counter claimant for throne).

Richard and Philip quarreled immediately after taking Acre (1191), and Philip, claiming ill health, returned to France. Since Philip of Alsace died on Crusade, King Philip's regents took Artois and parts of Vermandois in name of Prince Louis (VIII), and forced Eleanor, countess of Beaumont to become his vassal (with reversion of her lands in Vermandois and St Quentin going to king). Philip also met with Emperor Henry VI at Milan on his return trip, and the two allied against Richard.

During Richard's captivity in 1194, Philip overran the Vexin, seized Gisors, Evreux, and allied with Prince John. Philip appears to have planned to attack Normandy and England, both in defiance of treaty with Richard and with feudal and canon law. Philip tried to arrange to keep Richard imprisoned, even after Richard came up with ransom. (He made a larger offer of cash to Emperor Henry VI to keep Richard in custody). By 1196, Richard recaptured all that he had lost. In 1197 Richard forged alliances with Baldwin of Flanders and Renaud de Dammartin, count of Boulogne, and attacked the royal domain. Philip responded by attacking Flanders, and Richard, in turn, took the Norman Vexin. To secure Normandy and to threaten Paris, Richard had the great castle Chateau Gaillard built in 1197-1198 at a recorded expenditure of £11,500, just about half of the total annual revenues generated by the duchy of Normandy. (In comparison, Richard spent only £7,000 on castle-building and repair in England.)

Richard died in 1199 while fighting his own vassal, the viscount of Limoges. John and Arthur both claimed Angevin possessions; Philip supported Arthur, but John won and at Le Goulet (1200) did homage and fealty and paid relief to Philip (20,000 marks); John's niece married Prince Louis and John gave her Evreux as her dowry.

1200 John married Isabella, heiress of Angouleme, of vital strategic impt. for Aquitaine; this led him to war w/ Isabella's betrothed (and John's vassal), Hugh of Lusignan, ct of La Marche (war 1201-2). John overran La Marche, and Hugh appealed to Philip as suzerain. Philip summoned John to his court in Paris; John refused, and Philip and his barons judged all his lands forfeit as penalty for his 'rebellion'. Philip and Arthur fought against John, who defeated A at Mirabeau (1203) and probably killed the young nephew.

Philip invaded Normandy in 1203, and bought support of the nobility and towns with well-placed concessions. Baldwin of Flanders, John's ally, had also left on Crusade. In July 1204 Philip overran Normandy, took Chateau Gaillard by storm (after 6 month siege) and seized Rouen. By 1206 he had taken Maine, Touraine, Anjou, Brittany and Poitou (wh he lost to John in 1206, but wh Prince Louis was to recover). By 1213 all that J had left in France was Aquitaine. French did not receive legal title to these lands until 1259.

1198 HVI died, leading to struggle for imperial office betw Philip of Swabia (HVI's brother), and Otto of Brunswick (s. of Henry the Lion and nephew of John). 1208 Philip was assassinated, and Otto became emperor. Philip turned against Otto, who was supported by John. (Innocent III had suppted Otto, but turned against him when Otto invaded Italy).

1213--alliance betw John, Otto, Renaud de Dammartin, and Ferrand of Flanders against Philip. Innocent III sat this one out; on one hand P had taken back Ingeborg and had given refuge to Abp Stephen Langton; on other hand John had done homage and fealty to Innocent III (after depriving Stephen Langton of the archbishopric of Canterbury in 1208, and undergoing excommunication in 1209).

1214: Bouvines campaign. Ambitious pincer strategy; coordinated attacks on south, to draw P down to Poitou, followed by invasion through Flanders to take Paris. Lack of coordination led to meaningless successes in Poitou by John, followed by BATTLE OF BOUVINES on 27 July 1214. Decisive victory for P. Otto was deposed; John faced rebellion and Magna Carta; the count of Flanders was imprisoned as was Renaud. P had consolidated his conquests.

1215--P allies self with English rebels; 1216 Prince Louis invades England w/ 12,000 troops. Death of John in 1216 unites English vs. Louis, who was defeated at Lincoln in 1217 and forced to relinquish claims on England.

Louis then allowed to campaign in Languedoc (Albigensian Crusade) from 1218 on. Did not win until 1229.

P died in 1223.

PHILIP AUGUSTUS'S ROYAL ADMINISTRATION

Basic transformation: from an itinerant court (at time of PI) to one based in Paris (by reign of Louis VI). By PA's reign Paris and Fountainbleau had become the center of royal activity. The king spent between 48% and 55% of his time in the Paris region.

The king's bureaucracy was transformed from one based on a) the five traditional court/domestic offices held by magnates and b) local prevots, to a far more sophisticated one (permanent treasury/Norman exchequer, royal justices, baillis and seneschals) modelled on the Angevin institutions of gov't and staffed by men drawn from castellan families.

1. Inherited administration:

a. Philip's 'court' (central administration):

divided into the five traditional household officers derived from Carolingian prototype: seneschal (provisions); chamberlain (bedchamber); butler (drink); chancellor (chapel); mashall/constable (stables). These positions had important political duties, and in 1179 important magnates held each by hereditary right (e.g., Thibaut, ct of Blois, was seneschal); the magnates had the honor of the position, but the actual political and domestic work was done by others. Philip and Louis VII before him relied largely on castellan families to provide them with administrators.

The king's court was also made up of lesser officials:

lesser chamberlains, household knights (whose functions were both administrative and military), and royal clerks.

b. Prévôts: local officials stationed in the royal domain. In 1202/1203 there were forty-five prévôts with jurisdiction over sixty-two prévôtés.

First reference to comes from reign of PI, PA's grandfather.These too were generally recruited from the castellans of the Ile de France. In 1180 there were about 35 of them.The functions of the prevots included executing royal orders, doing royal justice, farming royal properties and collecting royal revenues. Because of the small size of the royal domain, the ambulatory royal court could supervise the activities of the prevots.

2. Philip's reforms:

REFORM OF CENTRAL GOV'T

a. Permanent treasury in Paris. By an ordinance of 1190 Philip established the Temple in the Ile de Cite in Paris as his royal treasury. Revenues were to be brought to the Temple three times a year and handed over to 6 Parisian burghers and to the royal Marshal. The treasurer was a Templar, Brother Haimard, who was in charge of receiving surplus revenues and paying out sums for operations of gov't and costs of war. Between 1190 and 1203 PA also introduced a royal accounting bureau consisting of 6 bourgeois of Paris and the marshal at Paris. The accounts would be presented by prevots and baillis and recorded on rolls of parchment (like the English pipe rolls). This was the beginning of what was to be called the Chambre of Comptes in the beg. of the 14th century. Accounts were to be rendered during 3 terms: 1) All Saints (1 Nov), 2) 2 Feb (Purif. of the Virgin, 3) Ascension (May and June). Norman Exchequer was biannual. Each prevot assounted for his farm, deducted expenses, and handed over balance to the treasurer.The model for this system is clearly the English

Exchequer. The chief purpose of both the English and French accounting offices was to supervise local officials. Both Philip's system was tailored to his royal domain, and does not reflect a mere borrowing from Normandy (or Flanders)

b. Castellans replaced great barons in the royal household offices. Great barons now appear at court only on important occasions; administration is placed firmly in the hands of men of lesser station.

c. 1190 (temporary measure while king was on Crusade): triannual sessions of the curia regis was ordered to be held in Paris for 3 purposes: 1) report to the absent king on affairs of kingdom; 2) review conduct of local officials; 3) hear pleas by inhabitants of royal domain appealing from baillis' monthly assizes. While the triannual sessions were not continued after return of P, the curia regis continued to supervise baillis.

d. REFORM OF LOCAL GOV'T: baillis and prevots. The prévôts’ numbers were increased to forty-five by 1190. The main responsibilities of royal prévôts were 1) to collect revenues from royal domain lands (various types of rents and payments from cultivated lands, mills, woods, meadows, etc., and taxes/tailles) and 2) to pay alms to churches and fief-rentes (money annuities) to knights. After deducting payments and expenses, prévôts would transmit the balance of the income to the king’s court. Prévôts became closely associated with the localities in which they served. Given their number and their local affinities, there was always a danger that a king could lose control over them. Consequently, Philip Augustus set baillis over the prévôts. This new class of royal officer, the bailli, served as the link between the local and central administration. Baillis were drawn from the knighthood of the Ile de France; their functions included supervision of prevots (during the regency while Philip was gone on crusade, the baillis were ordered to appoint four local men in each prévôté with whose advice the prévôt had to conduct business); reporting three times a year to the court any wrongdoings or crimes committed by the prévôts; collecting royal revenues (regalian rights, forest income, tailles), and reporting the profits of justice to the royal accounting officel and holding monthly assizes in their regions in which they heard pleas and recorded fines. They also were the recipients of royal commands to protect churches and make payments of royal alms, and to hold inquests into the royal rights and resources. After 1190, the baillis were required to hold monthly assizes in which they heard pleas from inhabitants of the royal domain. In essence, the baillis were modelled on the English itinerant justices of Henry I and Henry II.

In 1202 there were 12 baillis in royal domain. Paris had a prevot and a bailli who operated together. Individual baillis were transfered from region to region during PA's reign, in distinction to the prevots, who were more identified with localities.

Baillis were controlled by the king, at least in part, by the payment of salaries (1 livre a day for the bailli of Paris, a very high wage, down to 10 sous a day for ordinary baillis. 10 sous was equal to the highest rate paid a mercenary knight.)

Baillis were created for Normandy after 1204, but PA placed seneschals in charge of Anjou and Touraine. The difference seems to have been one of prestige (seneschal having more status). The seneschals had the same functions as baillis, with one difference: the seneschals were also military commanders and were financially indpendent of the Crown (they took a share of the royal revenues arising from their districts).

e. Administration of the Jews and the Forests. PA ordered a number of inquests into the extent of his forests, which he then preserved in registers. His forest policies were to form the basis of his successors's, eventually evolving into Louis IX's policy of licensing use of the forest, with the king reserving a third of all forest revenues to himself.

The activities of Jewish moneylenders were also monitored and supervised. The debts owed Jews were recorded and an inventory of Jewish lending was mde. Lending practices were regulated by an ordinance of 1206 (maximum rate of 43% set). An ordinance of 1219 prohibited demanding interest from those whothout property whose sole support was manual labbor and from monks and canons w/o permission of their superiors.

Under Louis VIII the crown began to w/draw from its regulation of Jewish usury, and under Louis IX the Jews were to be expelled from France.

f. Judicial reform: introduction of baillis and regular assizes; use of JURY inquests: 1) Norman jury--jurors drawn from vicinity and arriving at collective verdict; 2) canon law model--jurors named by contending parties but obliged to tell truth under oath. In each case the jury represents witnesses rather than judges of guilt or innocence.


PHILIP AUGUSTUS'S MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT

A. Permanent royal forces (non-feudal/mercenary)

The king had a permanent military establishment that was paid annually. In 1202/03 the troops that PA stationed on the Norman borders consisted of:

257 knights; 245 mounted sergeants; 71 mounted crossbowmen; 101 crossbowmen on foot; 1608 foot-sergeants = 2,282. In addition Philip had in his employ about 300 or so miners, engineers, and artisans, plus an indeterminate number of routiers (paid 3290 livres for their services). Approx 2600 'non-feudal' soldiers formed the core of PA's army.

(Payment of soldiers: knights (72 d. a day); mounted sergeants (36 d.); mounted crossbowmen (54 or 48 d.); crossbowmen on foot (12 or 18 d); foot sergeants (8 d.). In 1202/03 Philip paid his standing forces 27,370 livres plus 3,290 to Cadoc's mercenaries. Together this amounted to half of the year's total expenditure for war on the Norman marches: 65,931 livres (doesn't include another 17,000 livres paid out by baillis and prevots).

B. Feudal forces (knights)

The feudal service due Philip Augustus can be gauged from the king's forces at Bouvines, which seem to have amounted to 1,300 knights (plus 800 knights entrusted to Louis in Poitiers). Philip was able thus to raise an army of about 2000 knights (Otto had approx. 1300-1500 knights). At Bouvines Philip had with him the forces of three bishops (Senlis, Beauvais, and Laon) and eleven baronies (most impt being duke of Burgundy and the count of Dreux). Louis's army contained only two barons.

From Normandy alone Philip was owed the services of 847 knights (according to survey of 1207; according to the 1220 survey, the king was owed 1299 knights). Of these only 158 arrived at Bouvines from the Vexin and Normandy. The duchy itself contributed only 55 knights. The discrepancy between what was owed and what was rendered underscores the practical limitations on feudal service.

C. Other owed service:

At Bouvines Philip had approximately 4000-6000 foot-sergeants, drawn largely from towns of the king's domain and from royal abbeys (according to the Prisia servientum of 1194/95, an inventory list of owed services from towns and abbeys, Philip could expect to receive in all the service of 7,695 sergeants and 138 wagons from 83 towns and abbeys; this owed service, which was to be for a term of 3 months, was commuted for cash in the early 1200s; in the account of 1202 Philip realized 26,453 livres from 64 towns and abbeys, which comes close to the actual wages paid P's troops in 1203, 27,370 livres.)

D. Contemporary comparisons:

 

1. Henry II's English feudal forces in the cartae baronum of 1166: 318 tenants in chief reported 7,525 knights' fees representing owed service to crown of 5,000 knights. In addition Henry II ordered an inquest in 1172 into the owed service from Normandy. (Again, he asked two questions: how many knights are owed the king? how many knights are in your service?) From the written returns one can calculate that Henry was owed the service of 581 knights from about 1500 enfeoffments. The information of the cartae baronum of 1166 was preserved by the English clerk Alexander of Swereford in 1206 in a handbook of information for the Exchequer called the Little Black Book; Alexander arranged the material by shire and barony, a la DB. Sometime before 1250 he compiled the Red Book of the Exchequer, in which he recopied the inquest of 1166 and added to it the inquest of 1172. Philip Augustus ordered his own feodaries to be prepared for Normandy in 1207, to account for confiscated honors.

 

2. Feoda Campanie of the counts of Champagne, 1172 (rev. 1192): names 1900 knights orglanized into 26 castellanies.

3. Catalogus baronum of Roger II of Sicily, ca. 1150: 1440 tenants who owed military service.